Was Russian Abstention from the Eastern Partnership Policy – a Mistake?

      Eastern Partnership (EaP) policy of the EU turns 3 years this May and it seems to be a sufficient term to draw some conclusions. In this post, as follows from the title, I explore the question: was Russian deliberate abstention from this regional policy a missed opportunity and if yes, what was missed?

     Whatever the real reason was (or most probably, a bunch of reasons): more ambitious Russian-European bilateral agenda, assumption of getting no added value from the policy, perception of the EU’s policy towards the EaP region as hostile (or competitive at least), desire to act as an equal partner to the European Union – Russia officially decided not to join EaP.

     Now, to answer the question from the title let’s briefly compare what was planned and done so far in 4 areas: economy; justice, freedom and security; external security and research and education.

Economy

     

     The main aim of the EU in cooperation with EaP countries in economic sphere is building of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), which is in comparison to simple FTA presupposes not only opening of the markets, but also approximation of legislation and standards, a more complete elimination of barriers to trade and investment, provides an opportunity to address non-tariff barriers. With Ukraine, negotiations on DCFTA are finalized, with Georgia, Moldova and Armenia, they have been started recently.  

     As for the economic cooperation with Russia, main ambition is Common economic space. It is worth noticing though, that this concept (as well as the Road Map on Common Economic Space) remains vague to some extent, as it doesn’t directly state what is precisely understood by Common Economic Space.  What follows from the diplomatic formulations is a long-term goal is common market with 4 freedoms of movement, single legal basis and common coordination of some of the spheres.

Justice, freedom and security

     In the sphere of Justice, Freedom and Security the key target is provision of appropriate border control and introduction of visa free regime in a long-term perspective for both Russian and EaP countries.

     In this regard the following agreements are needed as a prerequisite for visa liberalization: Readmission Agreement (signed with Ukraine in 2006, Moldova in 2007, Georgia in 2010), Visa Facilitation Agreement (Ukraine 2007, Moldova 2007, Georgia 2010), Visa liberalization Action Plan (Ukraine 2010, Moldova 2011). Negotiations on the visa facilitation and readmission agreements with Armenia and Azerbaijan stared in 2012. 

     In 2007 Readmission Agreement and Visa Facilitation Agreement with Russia entered into force. In the summit, December 2011, parties accepted "Common steps towards visa-free travel", which are concrete actions to be done (such as introduction of biometric passposrt, fight against illegal immigration) in order to be able to start talks on introduction of visa-free short-term stay in the EU.

External security

     As for the external security, the littlest progress may be observed with both EaP countries and Russian Federation. This can be easily explained by the difficulty to cooperate in the issues of foreign policy. The EU member states themselves could not for a long time work out at least intergovernmental coordinated approach in the international arena. Consequently, cooperation of the EU with the third countries in the field was almost absent in 1990s and very reluctant in 2000s.

     As in the area of visa matters, in the sphere of external security we can observe the same paths in the EU relations with the EaP countries and Russia: a number of bilateral dialogs are established in the same fields (WMD nonproliferation and disarmament, conflict prevention and crisis management). Both EaP countries and Russia are invited to take part in the EU-led operations and started such a practice, as well as to work closely with the EU Security Agencies (European Defense Agency, EU Institute for Security Studies).

Education and research

     In this sphere, EU policy towards Russia also doesn’t differ from the one towards EaP. Besides, all the actors - the EU, the EaP countries and Russia being members of the Bologna process, which means creation of the European (not restricted only to the EU) educational area, partners of the European Union are also integrated to the its special programs: Erasmus Mundus, Tempus, Jean Monnet Programmes etc. are promoted in the neighborhood, including Russia. All the neighbors are invited to participate in the EU’s principal program for development of science and research – 7^th Framework Program (7FP).  Plans on the acquiring status of associated to the 7FP country have already been expressed by Russia, Ukraine and Moldova. The scope of cooperation is different: while Russia remains the first largest EU’s partner among third countries under 7FP while such EaP countries as Armenia, Azerbaijan and Moldova are claimed by the Commission to demonstrate very moderate cooperation.  

     As we can see, the main issues, goals and dynamics of the relations of the EU with EaP countries on the one hand and EU-Russia on the other hand are quite similar.

     Further question would be: what is being proposed to the EaP member states as a multilateral policy? It is, in the first turn, establishment of regional institutions: such forums as EURONEST, Civil Society forum of the EaP, Eastern Partnership Business Forum and of the Conference of Regional and Local Authorities of the Eastern Partnership. At the same time, civil society and business forums were also established with Russia. If we add to this the successful project of Northern Dimension, participation of Russia in Black Sea Synergy initiative, existence of bilateral Parliamentarian Assembly and financing of both, EaP and relations with Russia from European Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument, we will come to the conclusion that everything what is proposed to the EaP countries, also proposed to Russia in bilateral format.