Eastern
Partnership (EaP) policy of the EU turns 3 years this May and it seems to be a
sufficient term to draw some conclusions. In this post, as follows from the
title, I explore the question: was Russian deliberate abstention from this
regional policy a missed opportunity and if yes, what was missed?
Whatever the
real reason was (or most probably, a bunch of reasons): more ambitious
Russian-European bilateral agenda, assumption of getting no added value from
the policy, perception of the EU’s policy towards the EaP region as hostile (or
competitive at least), desire to act as an equal partner to the European Union –
Russia officially decided not to join EaP.
Now, to answer
the question from the title let’s briefly compare what was planned and done so
far in 4 areas: economy; justice, freedom and security; external security and
research and education.
Economy
The main
aim of the EU in cooperation with EaP countries in economic sphere is building
of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), which is in comparison to simple FTA
presupposes not only opening of the markets, but also approximation of
legislation and standards, a more complete elimination of barriers to trade and investment, provides an
opportunity to address non-tariff barriers. With Ukraine, negotiations on DCFTA
are finalized, with Georgia, Moldova and Armenia, they have been started recently.
As for the
economic cooperation with Russia, main ambition is Common economic space. It is
worth noticing though, that this concept (as well as the Road Map on Common
Economic Space) remains vague to some extent, as it doesn’t directly state what
is precisely understood by Common Economic Space. What follows from the diplomatic formulations
is a long-term goal is common market
with 4 freedoms of movement, single legal basis and common coordination of some
of the spheres.
Justice, freedom
and security
In the sphere of
Justice, Freedom and Security the key target is provision of appropriate border
control and introduction of visa free regime in a long-term perspective for
both Russian and EaP countries.
In this regard
the following agreements are needed as a prerequisite for visa liberalization:
Readmission Agreement (signed with Ukraine in 2006, Moldova in 2007, Georgia in
2010), Visa Facilitation Agreement (Ukraine 2007, Moldova 2007, Georgia 2010),
Visa liberalization Action Plan (Ukraine 2010, Moldova 2011). Negotiations on
the visa facilitation and readmission agreements with Armenia and Azerbaijan
stared in 2012.
In 2007 Readmission Agreement and Visa Facilitation Agreement with Russia entered into force. In the summit, December 2011, parties accepted "Common steps towards visa-free travel", which are concrete actions to be done (such as introduction of biometric passposrt, fight against illegal immigration) in order to be able to start talks on introduction of visa-free short-term stay in the EU.
External
security
As for the external security, the littlest progress may be observed with
both EaP countries and Russian Federation. This can be easily explained by the
difficulty to cooperate in the issues of foreign policy. The EU member states
themselves could not for a long time work out at least intergovernmental
coordinated approach in the international arena. Consequently, cooperation of
the EU with the third countries in the field was almost absent in 1990s and
very reluctant in 2000s.
As in the area of visa matters, in the sphere of external security we can
observe the same paths in the EU relations with the EaP countries and Russia: a
number of bilateral dialogs are established in the same fields (WMD nonproliferation and disarmament, conflict
prevention and crisis management). Both EaP countries and Russia are invited to take
part in the EU-led operations and started such a practice, as well as to work
closely with the EU Security Agencies (European Defense Agency, EU Institute
for Security Studies).
Education and research
In this sphere, EU policy towards Russia also doesn’t differ from the one
towards EaP. Besides, all the
actors - the EU, the EaP countries and Russia being members of the Bologna
process, which means creation of the European (not restricted only to the EU)
educational area, partners of the European Union are also integrated to the its
special programs: Erasmus Mundus, Tempus, Jean Monnet Programmes etc. are
promoted in the neighborhood, including Russia. All the neighbors are invited
to participate in the EU’s principal program for development of science and research
– 7th Framework Program (7FP).
Plans on the acquiring status of associated to the 7FP country have
already been expressed by Russia, Ukraine and Moldova. The scope of cooperation
is different: while Russia remains the first largest EU’s partner among third
countries under 7FP while such EaP countries as Armenia, Azerbaijan and Moldova
are claimed by the Commission to demonstrate very moderate cooperation.
As we can see, the
main issues, goals and dynamics of the relations of the EU with EaP countries
on the one hand and EU-Russia on the other hand are quite similar.
Further question
would be: what is being proposed to the EaP member states as a multilateral
policy? It is, in the first turn, establishment of regional institutions: such forums as EURONEST, Civil Society forum of the EaP, Eastern Partnership Business
Forum and of the Conference of Regional and Local Authorities of the Eastern
Partnership. At the same time, civil society and business forums were also
established with Russia. If we add to this the successful project of Northern
Dimension, participation of Russia in Black Sea Synergy initiative, existence of
bilateral Parliamentarian Assembly and financing of both, EaP and relations
with Russia from European
Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument, we will come to the conclusion that
everything what is proposed to the EaP countries, also proposed to Russia in
bilateral format.
